Poland’s Defense Procurement May End Up Only Half Complete
The country is working to reduce its reliance on Russia-built models.
As Western powers look to buttress Poland’s defenses to counter a growing Russian threat, one proposal includes replacing Mil Mi-24 Hinds with U.S.-built AH-64Es (shown here). Another proposal would send 32 F-35A fighters to Poland to replace 49 Soviet-era models. (Photo: Barry Ambrose)

As a front-line NATO nation, Poland has been regarded as a linchpin for the alliance against an increasingly belligerent and resurgent Russia. Most of the scenarios for a future conflict in Europe project a Russian incursion into Poland and/or the Baltics, prompting the Ministry of National Defence (MND) to engage in a broad-ranging program of modernization for its armed forces.


In 2017 Poland committed to go beyond the NATO minimum of 2 percent of GDP on defense outlays and instituted a program whereby the country’s spending should reach 2.5 percent. By 2032, total defense spending should reach 80 billion zloty (PLN), roughly $21 billion. The former Soviet bloc nation is also lobbying for the U.S. military to establish permanent bases on Polish territory to enhance the readiness of its armed forces to be able to engage in joint operations.


Washington has thus far not committed to a U.S. presence in Poland, a facility that Warsaw has proposed naming “Fort Trump.” What has been proposed for now is the U.S. upgrading existing Polish bases and even adding to the size of those sites by building new facilities.


"It doesn't matter if it's one base, or many bases...sometimes it's even better from the perspective of deterrence and logistics for there to be many [localities]," said one senior Polish official.


Modernization Priorities


Poland’s two major priorities in this modernization effort are to procure systems that are effective, current- or next-generation replacements for what is in many cases Russian-designed hardware that has been in inventory for many years. At the same time, these need to be weapons platforms that are interoperable with those of neighboring nations and other alliance members.


The second issue weighed heavily in the decision to procure the Raytheon PAC-3 Patriot Air and Missile Defence (AMD) system over the Lockheed Martin (LM) MBDA Deutschland and Italia consortium MEADS complex and has also been a strong argument for the procurement of the Boeing AH-64E Apache helicopter over other options.


The Leonardo AW249, one of the other attack helicopters being offered to Poland, is not far beyond "on-paper only” status. Poland’s national defense industrial consortium, PGZ, has pledged to cooperate in developing this aircraft, but projections as to when it might actually be available and in production are too far in the future to be factored into current planning.


Poland took another step toward modernizing its armed forces with the May 28 announcement that it had sent an official Letter of Request to the U.S. for the purchase of 32 LM F-35 combat aircraft.


“Today we sent a request for quotation to our American partners regarding the purchase of 32 F-35As along with a logistics and training package,” the Polish Defence Minister Mariusz Blaszczak tweeted on May 28. The minister also gave a separate televised statement indicating that Poland is encouraging the U.S. to increase its military presence on Polish territory.


Defense analysts looking at Poland’s procurements conclude that almost all of them are below the numbers that have been recommended in more than one of the country’s defense-requirements assessments.


At this point, the Polish armed forces will have two PAC-3 batteries “which is only enough to defend downtown Warsaw,” said a former U.S. military officer who previously was assigned to the U.S. Embassy Office of Defense Cooperation (ODC). “Poland needs batteries in the double-digits in order to adequately defend against the Russian [Iskander] missiles in Kaliningrad.”


The story is very similar for the AH-64E.  Original planning documents from the MND had called for between 70 and 100 attack helicopters, but the number is likely to be between 35 and 37 units instead. Polish industry has also been complicating matters by insisting that it can fill the gap by modernizing Mil Mi-24 Hind models in Polish inventory, but there is a growing body of evidence from the experience of Ukraine’s armed forces fighting against Russian units in the Donbas that this aircraft is not survivable against modern-day air defense systems.


The F-35 buy may constitute the biggest shortfall of all. Polish air power studies had concluded that the air force required 100 new fighters in addition to the 48 Lockheed Martin F-16s already in inventory and that all of the Russian-made Mikoyan MiG-29s and Sukhoi Su-22s should be retired. The 32 F-35s proposed do not even constitute one-third of the number needed. When aircraft down for repairs/upgrades or used in training are factored in, the actual number available at any one time could be less than 20.


Poland also was required to sign a contract by the middle of this year to receive aircraft by 2024-26. This required the Poles to exit their normal procurement process and conduct a no-competition, directed procurement.


“If you are Poland and your long-term goal is a closer relationship with the U.S., then the F-35 buy maybe makes some sense,” said a defense analyst in Warsaw. “But from a readiness standpoint, waiting five or seven years—maybe longer—to have a new aircraft is beyond counterintuitive. If you wanted as many aircraft as you could have and as soon as possible the [Saab] Gripen C/D can be here within 18 months. This would give you a healthy crop of new-age aircraft to build up the number of your air force. Then you can think about very specialized and expensive options like the F-35 as a ‘silver bullet’ option later on.”


If the F-35 deal goes through, Poland’s fighter force will get smaller, rather than larger. The 32 U.S. aircraft would be replacing 49 Soviet-era models, leaving a combined total fighter force of only 80 jets.